Social Justice Teaching Resources (1975)
American Justice and La Raza Communities
Several teaching assistants were assigned to this course. The major developmental work occurred during the two years of Larry Trujillo's tenure. Our approach to course development was essentially collaborative. We shared similar research interests and pedagogical orientations, and this contributed to the integrity of the course. The role of the teaching assistant is very important in any course that emphasizes field work and the intensive involvement of students. The teaching assistant can be especially helpful in showing students how to work collectively and how to take initiative in developing their own educational experience.
Early in their formation, Chicano Studies programs insisted on relating the teaching, research and public service functions of the university to the Chicano community.(1) This means taking into account social, economic and political realities that confront Chicanos as a people and have shaped a common culture in ways that remain to be explored and understood.
The principle is an important one with theoretical and methodological implications. It designates the Chicano community as the problem defining agency and field observatory. Interaction with the dominant culture is evaluated and explained in terms of observable effects on people's lives. The impact of institutions of social control and repression, for example, is defined by the Chicano experience. This is a major organizing principle for courses recently developed in the Chicano Studies Program at the University of California, Berkeley. It is our purpose here to discuss the development of one of these courses, Chicano Studies 134, "American Justice and La Raza Communities" (now changed to "Law, Justice and the Chicano People").
The dominant view of American society that undergirds much of the work in traditional social science is inconsistent with the social experience of Chicanos as an American people. Ours is a history beginning with Anglo-American appropriation of the formerly Mexican South west in the 1840's. Genocide, repression and exploitation followed and formed the basis of a legal-political history of dominant-subordinate relations. Economically, Chicanos were relegated to the role of "scavengers." "Deviant" and "criminal" became a dominant socially ascribed status. This history suggests a view of society from the bottom. Perspective is gained by studying up. This approach to social science research is discussed by anthropologist Laura Nader (1969) in her article, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained by Studying Up." It is a view that is beginning to interest social scientists from a range of disciplines. See Zinn (1970) for another example.
Approaching what happens in our communities today from this perspective helps us to identify important problems, issues and concerns by focusing our attention on power structures and on processes of institutionalized racism. Thus we begin to build a more solid basis for analysis, for action and for change. Examining political and economic factors from the concrete base of the community "observatory" means that more effective strategies for change can emerge. The imperative for change in this case will be community defined. This is the essence of self-determination and a standard for scholarship and activism set by Chicano social scientists to guide our work.
It is impossible to discuss the development of Chicano Studies 134 without reference to the Vacaville Prison Project and the concrete realities confronting faculty and students who become involved in this education and service program. Sponsored by Chicano Studies since 1969, the prison project is a major long-term effort to extend the resources of the University to Chicano prisoners at the California (state prison) Medical Facility at Vacaville. This regularized and educationally focused interaction between campus and prison has social and political significance as well as academic value. Weekly visits to the prison are organized around discussion of contemporary and historical issues of relevance to Chicanos as a people. Additionally, students contribute according to their interests (law, social work, education, psychology, medicine) to some aspects of service that will advance efforts toward structural change (legislative advocacy, research, community education, public mobilization) and/or personal change (parole preparation, parole planning and assistance, building alternative life styles).
For our purposes it is important to understand that the Vacaville Prison Project and the course development it generated represent an attempt at synthesis between theory and practice. Throughout our fine year involvement with the Chicano prisoner community we have strived to view the criminal justice system from their perspectives. We have not always been successful, but clearly, their experience has helped us to frame relevant question about punishment, prisons and prisoners in society. It further focused our attention on the functions of institutions of law and justice in the capitalist state and in relation to "deviant" ethnic groups given the specific structural arrangements that exist in the United States.
Our early work at Vacaville involved immersion as far as possible in the total experience of Chicano prisoners. We sought mutually to clarify and differentiate academic interests from service objectives and social action priorities. These inter-related concerns represent three areas of focus in our attempts: 1) to learn and teach; 2) to serve our community; and 33 to relate our work to community-based strategies for change. Chicano Studies 134 became a course designed to introduce students to basic concepts and subject matter and to encourage the development of critical perspectives. The course is based around questions about legal-judicial function in relation to political economy and about the nature of interaction between institutions of law and justice and Chicanos as a people. Further, we are interested in the social history of Chicano resistance against legal and extra-legal repression, the evolution of "political ethnicity" as a strategy of interaction with the dominant culture, and the over-all implications for social change.
Anyone who has attempted to survey the liberal social science literature with our purposes in mind must be struck by the remarkable hegemony attained by scholars in this area. We had considerable difficulty finding materials that related to the point of view and specific subject matter we were seeking to develop. Much of what was available was useful in illustrating certain social science bias but lacked the substance we required. These works ranged from apologist and assimilationist perspectives to racist stereotyping and invidious comparison of what was assumed to be "Mexican American culture," with the unquestioned viability of white middle class models. (For a discussion of racist social science stereotypes of Chicanos, see Vaca, 1970; Rocco, 1970; Fernandez, 1970; Trujillo, 1974. Also see Gouldner, 1970, for a discussion of social science stereotyping in general.)
Chicano Studies and community libraries made available new publications as well as other kinds of materials that are difficult to find. The Chicano Studies Library at Berkeley, for example, has many special collections not available elsewhere. Old and new Chicano newspapers, many on microfilm, document a grim history and reveal continuing patterns of domination and repression by a growing capitalist state. Government documents, Ph.D. dissertations, student papers, and community chronicles are also available. These continue to facilitate our efforts.
The course was first offered in the spring of 1972. By the following year several new publications became available. Among these, Armando Morales' study (1973) of Mexican American police conflict in Los Angeles was especially important. Unfortunately, Chicano scholars like Morales face unusual difficulty in getting their work published. Publishing houses accustomed to hegemonic social science fear that liberal academia and the general public will find works like Morales' "unpalatable" or offensive. This attitude hampers the efforts of Chicano scholars to fill the tremendous gaps in social science knowledge regarding the life experience of the Chicano people. The history of denied access to higher education and its related institutions is thus exacerbated by the contemporary racism that is institutionalized in the liberal social science publishing tradition.
Chicano social science journals like Aztlan from UCLA and the non-university based El Grito from Berkeley encourage Chicano scholars to publish their work. The four year old National Association of Chicano Social Scientists provides an annual forum and communications network that encourages scholarly collaboration which cuts across artificial and confining disciplinary lines. Examples of some of this work are included among the selected course readings listed below.
Perspectives from radical criminologists continue to be supportive of our own views. However, these works are sometimes disappointing in that they seem bound by the white western European experience. Thus they can appear shallow in the effort to account for racism in the United States. The relationship between race and class and the political, economic and cultural factors relevant to their convergence in the Third World experience are not clarified or made specific. This is precisely the point of divergence between white radical and Third World campus and community groups in practical as well as theoretical terms. This is also the point at which common links of struggle and scholarship may be forged.
Lack of an adequate literature has redoubled efforts to learn from the concrete experience of our prison and barrio communities. Activist organizations in San Francisco's Mission District and in other Spanish-speaking communities are vital sources of knowledge. Community activities constitute a public record that allows us to take account of the interaction with the instituted authority of the dominant class and culture. It becomes possible to observe an instance of police-community confrontation, for example, as a stage in a process, as a problem that has a history and a future. We can identify patterns of interaction and evaluate long-range strategies of both groups. The exercise of power, the relationship between class interests and the roles of Third World peoples is clarified and made specific in our communities.
Groups like Mission Media Arts, Centro de Cambio (Center for Change), R.A.P. (Realistic Alternatives Program) and the Mission Police Committee have also been helpful in working with students and providing class speakers. Mission Media Arts contributed guidance and technical assistance for a student produced videotape depicting the struggle against police repression and other forms of institutionalized racism in the Mission District. (Unfortunately this community-based media group had its funding contract canceled by the PBS-TV station, KQED, San Francisco). Exposure to community life in these systematic ways can be important in breaking down stereotypes and myths about the nature of democracy in Third World communities.
The attitude of the community toward our presence has been cooperative in prison and in the barrio. Community people have respected the fact that we were not there as "university do-gooders" to make promises or as "slumming ivory tower intellectuals" to impose theoretical assumptions upon what we observed or worse, to provide government policy planners with pseudo-scientific rationale for the implementation of programs that seem inevitably ineffective and usually perpetuate negative stereotypes. Daniel Patrick Moynihan's study of Black family life and much of the work of Oscar Lewis are examples of this approach. Nor did we simply "turn loose" naive, undirected students to "learn about community struggle." Unfortunately, some of the best intentioned among both liberal and radical faculty have assumed that it is all right to do this. They have assumed that students could help, study and learn by "volunteering" for one quarter of community work. This ignores the fact that many students are not prepared to "drop in" to the "community." They may cause unanticipated problems by their presence and their efforts, however well intended. Often they come from different economic and cultural backgrounds and, as students, may be engaged in life-styles that are alien to the community people to whom they are supposed to "relate."
We feel that students doing class projects should not enter communities, especially prisons, without adequate preparation and direct involvement by the instructional staff. This should include direct and prior contact between the staff and the local groups involved. Community speakers, class lectures, films, readings and discussion should introduce students to the community. Reading neighborhood newspapers, attending community meetings and small group field visits are also important. Ideally the instructional staff should be involved on an on-going basis in the communities where students will be working. Finally, we have been careful to make sure it is understood that we are there to see with the eyes of the community and learn from their experiences.
Perhaps the most innovative aspect of the course is the emphasis we place on collective scholarship. This emphasis is based on important pedagogical principles evolved from assumptions about 1) styles of scholarship and procedural preferences of Chicano students; and 2) special problems involved in radical scholarship. The method is both culturally and politically consistent with our purposes, and it offers many advantages. First, we are convinced that the group approach maximizes the students' learning experience: greater motivation seems to be inspired by the esprit de corps of group work; greater depth can be achieved through division of labor and the sharing of resources; and students seem to internalize and grow from learning experiences that engage them as total human beings and interacting personalities. These advantages represent some of the reasons why we chose this method of organizing student participation. We also are interested in breaking down the destructive ideal of individual achievement and the notion of ideas as private property that form the core of competitive scholarship. We stress social responsibility, humanistic concerns and mutual interests that extend beyond the campus and forward into students' futures. Students are encouraged to work together on exam questions, on readings and on group papers and projects. Sometimes discussion sections have functioned as topically oriented study groups, sharing the results of their work with the class as a whole. Small groups have taken responsibility for criticizing course readings and discussing them in class. This involves students more actively in the course and helps us evaluate assigned readings from the point of view of the students. In some cases students have produced materials to be used by the Vacaville Prison Project and other community groups with social action interests. In the latter case, we emphasize the practical value of group research for action strategies.
Because a group approach can be more effective, students have been able to make real contributions to a developing discipline. Each quarter yields several excellent papers that are added to the student collection in the Chicano Studies Library. This provides a base for future students that will encourage increasingly sophisticated study of research problems. We have accumulated social histories, community studies, analyses of government agencies and chronicles of Chicano protest and resistance.
Students have generally responded favorably to the opportunity to work together even if they approach the prospect tentatively in the first weeks. Certainly some students view the possibility opportunistically but this has not occurred as a rule nor does it seem to have outweighed the positive benefits. If the ideals implied in collective scholarship are made explicit in class, students can be helped to understand "rip-offs" as symptoms of alienation and the exploitative mentality that is its consequence.
A secondary, but related, purpose in encouraging group study and collective effort is to give students experience at working in groups. Modem society is organized largely on the basis of class and race, but Western notions of building class struggle and Third World revolutions do not account for the complexities of social organization in the U.S. Substantive social and legal change that has occurred for the human good and the bad has taken the form of groups sharing a "community" of interest, albeit reflecting race and class biases. Ethnic studies on campus, the anti-war movement, labor, CIA domestic and foreign operations, and agribusiness are examples of groups organized around a definable community of interest. That these group efforts have effected structural change cannot be questioned even if the meaning of such change might be disputed. It would seem then that there is practical political value in developing group skills and exercising collective will. This should be part of the total learning experience preparing students to assume active, socially responsible community roles.
IV. Approach to Content
Course lectures present a perspective based in part on the history of repression, exploitation and victimization of the Chicano people, and, in part, on the continued denial of legal redress and the illegal abuses of institutional power that plague Chicano communities today. Our perspective is further developed through analysis of historic and present struggles of resistance and insurrection waged by Chicanos against repression by the state. It is important to emphasize the implications of community oriented perspectives for the kinds of questions that are addressed. For example, if we look at the law and the criminal justice system filtered through the experience of our exploited communities and our Chicano prisoners, we become interested in the relationship of punishment to social structure, the nature of race and class oppression in the United States and its specific social historical contexts. In our analysis we stress inter connections between legal-judicial institutions and the political, economic and cultural imperatives of the corporate capitalist state. Specifically we are led to examine processes of institutional racism and the negative impact of racist public policy. Changing definitions of crime and the function of law in ascribing criminal roles becomes a central concern. Further, we come to draw important connections between specific changes in criminal justice policy toward Third World people as a class and specific changes in the economic system.
Our attention is equally committed to the discovery and analysis of resistance to repression and oppression that characterizes the social history of the Chicano people. The evolution of political ethnicity as an organizing principle in developing strategies of survival and resistance is a developing focus. Increasingly we relate contemporary activism and the resurgence of cultural and revolutionary nationalism in Chicano communities to growing responses to imperialism throughout the contemporary Spanish-speaking Americas.
In developing our critical and interdisciplinary perspective, we have compiled a number of important works by Chicano scholars. These are listed among the selected course readings below. Additionally, the following sources have been helpful: Marx (1906); Weber (1946, 1954); Mills (1956, 1959); Fanon (1963), Memmi (1965); Friere (1973); Gouldner (1970); Wolfe (1973); Guevara (1961); Kolko (1962); Zinn (1970); Rusche and Kirchheimer (1968); Miliband (1969); Galarza (1964); Domhoff (1967); Blauner (1972); and Quinney (1974). Additionally some of the most important Chicano sources are included among the course readings listed below.
Our questions are legitimate and important ones emerging from contemporary race and social class conflict in the United States. These are questions that by and large have not been addressed by the social sciences. In this sense they reflect radical views of society. For these reasons, students may perceive these kinds of courses as not simply radical but somehow academically inappropriate. They may fail, on the other hand, to recognize the rhetoric of liberal social science. Inside and outside of academia the fallacious but popular notion of "objective" social science is equated with liberal social science, while radical social science is associated with rhetoric. This sometimes causes problems for students. For this reason we begin the course with some discussion about the state inspired functions of research and education and the connections between social science research and public policy. We emphasize the broadly conventionalizing platform that is thus accorded the liberal perspectives. It is important to differentiate our point of view and academic interests in contrast to more traditional approaches. This course makes a distinction between radical views and rhetoric.
In the following weeks an attempt is made to illustrate concepts with data using both primary and secondary sources. Institutions of social control (police, courts, prisons) are treated in terms of the social history of the Chicano people and traced to the present. Forms of institutionalized racism and changes in the law and the criminal justice system are related to changes in the economic system and to strategies of resistance. To provide contrasts and comparisons that reveal ethnocentrism in our thinking about these institutions in the United States, we look at functions and organization of law and justice in societies studied by anthropologists. This prepares us to consider alternative ways of approaching problems of law and justice in this society.
The last part of the course is relegated less time and is actually less well developed. It is difficult to approach questions about structural change, to consider models for change, to build alternative institutions, and to analyze the central significance of "political ethnicity." Our main interest at this time is in introducing the idea of influencing change as a serious prospect. We rely on empirical data, the community observatory and outside speakers to provide activist perspectives.
V. Evaluation of Content and Methods
The course is generally successful. The large numbers of students who are attracted suggest substantial interest and yet limited opportunities to address this subject matter from the critical perspective we are outlining. We also discovered that both our perspective and our methods led us to some exciting new vistas. It became necessary within a short time to introduce Chicano Studies 137, "Chicano Perspectives on Crime and Corrections," to deal specifically with questions of punishment and prisons in society and with contemporary prison issues and change efforts. These were important areas in need of attention but which we could not address within the scope of "134" as it developed.
Chicano Studies 134 is a case of too much in too little time. As our research proceeds, we find the need for a more comprehensive study. At the present time we have begun further delimitation of the subject matter and this has pointed to the need to develop more courses. For example, among the varied forms of institutional racism we can identify specific processes that seem to function in the Chicano community as processes of recruitment into criminal roles. These roles take on ascribed aspects in "achievement" oriented society and have the consequence of "criminalizing" a class of people and efficiently moving them through the criminal justice system. These processes and their profound social and political implications require systematic analysis. A separate course could be developed to address questions of this nature. Based on greater knowledge of the subject matter and a more broadly supportive literature, several new courses might be introduced. At present, what to emphasize and what to leave out is always a problem. The course has never been taught the same way twice although it has been offered four or five times.
We are also looking for a way out of the confining and stale lecture-discussion format. It represents a contradiction between theory and practice and the synthesis we have tried to achieve. The traditional methods are inconsistent with our purposes. We are faced with the construction of more new models of teaching and learning. In the spirit of collaboration we urge others who share our interests in developing a people's pedagogy to communicate their experiences to the journal collective.
1. Throughout this paper, "community" is defined broadly and refers to a collectivity of interests formally and informally patterned. we do not define community as solely the sum of the formal organizations within a given neighborhood. Community is defined by interacting individuals who share common bonds and interests. In this sense, Chicano prisoners and Chicano students can constitute communities and so can neighborhoods.
2. In this case, structural change is defined as systematic change in a narrow sense. Structural change may not seriously disturb the social order but at the fume time have implications beyond the realm of reform. We do not use the word reform because of its association with liberal thought. We see the changes in institutional processes for which we strive as building and creating the "conditions" for a more broadly based change in the revolutionary sense. These "conditions" can only occur in people's minds. The mix of repression and rising expectations encouraged by changes made within the system may be necessary ingredients for structural change in the broadest sense in the United States.
Domhoff, G. William
Mills, C. Wright
Rusche, Georg and Otto Kirchheimer
Trujillo, Larry D.
Selected Course Readings
I. The Impact of Institutional Racism on the Chicano People
Robert Blauner, "Theoretical Perspectives," in Racial Oppression in America. New York: Harper & Row 1972.
Diane de Anda, "Chicano in Checkmate." Edoentric (October-November 1973).
Anthony Gary Dworkin, "Stereotypes and Self-Images Held by Native-Born and Foreign-Born Mexican Americans," in Mexican Americans in the United States. Edited by John Burma. Boston: Schenkman, 1970.
Joan Moore, "American Institutions in the Mexican Experience," in Mexican Americans. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1970.
Armando Morales, "The Impact of Class Discrimination and White Racism on the Mental Health of Mexican Americans," in Chicanos: Social and Psychological Perspectives. Edited by Nathaniel Wagner and Marsha Haug. St. Louis: C.V. Mosby, 1971.
Armando Rendon, "Chicano Culture in a Gabacho World," in Introduction to Chicano Studies. Edited by Livie Isauro Duran and H. Bernard Russell. New York: Macmillan, 1973.
Ramon A. Rocco, "The Chicano in the Social Sciences: Traditional Concepts, Myths and Images." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 1,2 (Fall, 1970).
Ammand Sanchez, "Affluence Amidst Poverty," in Voices, Readings from El Grito. Edited by Octavio Romano. Berkeley: Quinto Sol, 1971.
II. The History of Repression
Rudolfo Acuña, Occupied America (ch. 1, 5). San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972.
Alan F. Almquist and Robert Heizer, The Other Californians (pp. 92-153). Berkeley: U.C. Press, 1971.
Ernesto Galarza, Merchants of Labor (pp. 945, 72-120). Santa Barbara: McNally and Loftin, 1974.
Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr, The History of Violence in America: A Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence (pp. 101-242). New York: Bantam, 1969.
Marvin Harris, "The Rise of Racial Determinism," in The Rise of Anthropological Theory. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968.
Martin B. Miller, "At Hard Labor: Rediscovering the 19th Century Prison." Issues in Criminology 9,1 (Spring, 1974).
Alan Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy: Repression in America (pp. 3-92). New York: David McKay, 1973.
III. The Growth of Institutions of Social Control
Rudolfo Acuña, Occupied America (ch. 6). San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972.
American Friends Service Committee, Struggle for Justice: A Report on Crime and Punishment in America (pp. 100-123). New York: Hill and Wang, 1971.
Ralph Beals, "Who Will RuleResearch." Psychology Today 1,4 (September 1970).
James and Grace Boggs, "The Rise of Capitalism and the Rise of Racism," in The Capitalist System. Edited by Richard Edwards, Michael Reich, and Thomas Weisskopf. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: PrenticeHall, 1972.
William Chambliss, "Elites and the Creation of Criminal Law," in Sociological Readings in the Conflict Perspective. Boston: Addison Wesley, 1973.
James O'Connor, "The Expanding Role of the State," in The Capitalist System. Edited by Richard Edwards, et al. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1972.
Richard Pious (ed.), Civil Rights and Civil Liberties in the 1970s. New York: Random House, 1973.
Anthony Platt, The Child Savers (pp. 15-45). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969.
James Weinstein, "Corporate Liberalism and the Modern State," in The Capitalist System. Edited by Richard Edwards, et al. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1972.
Kurt Weis and Michael Milakovich, "Political Misuse of Crime Rates." Society 2,5 (July-August, 1974).
IV. Organized Government and Corporate Crime
David Caplovitz, "The Merchant and the Low Income Consumer," in The Poor Pay More. New York: The Free Press, 1967.
Fred Cook, "The FBI NobodyKnows," in Government Lawlessness in America. Edited by Theodore Becker and Vern Murray. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971.
Ernesto Galarza, "Structure ofControl," in Merchants of Labor. Santa Barbara: McNally Lohin, 1964.
Jeff Gerth, "Nixon and the Mafia." Sundance Magazine (November-December, 1972).
Rees Lloyd and Peter Montague, "Ford and La Raza: They Stole Our Land and Gave us Powdered Milk," in Introduction to Chicano Studies. Edited by Livie Isauro Duran and H. Russell Bernard. New York: Macmillan, 1973.
Alfred McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (pp. 149-223, 242-352). New York: Harper & Row, 1972.
Michael Myersen, Watergate: Crime in the Suites. New York: International Publishers, 1973.
Ralph Nader, "The Stylists: It's the Curve that Counts," in In the Market Place. Edited by the Editors of Ramparts Magazine. San Francisco: Ramparts Press, 1972.
Loretta Ayala de Sifuentes, "Trade Secret Protection of Pesticide Reports." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 3,2 (Fall, 1972).
Charles Reich, "The Law and the Corporate State," in Sociological Readings in the Conflict Perspective. Edited by William Chambliss. Boston: Addison Wesley, 1973.
Daniel Zwerdling, "Food Pollution," in In the Market Place. Edited by the Editors of Ramparts Magazine. San Francisco: Ramparts Press, 1972.
V. Chicano Resistance: The Struggle for Social Justice
Rudolfo Acuña, Occupied America (ch. 7, 9). San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972.
Salvador A. Alvarez, "The Legal Struggle of the Farmworkers," El Grito 6,2 (Winter, 1972).
Patricia Bell Blawis, "Tijerina and the Land Grants," in Introduction to Chicano Studies. Edited by Livie Isauro Duran and H. Bernard Russell. New York: Macmillan, 1973.
Pedro Castillo and AlbertCamarillo (eds.), Furia y Muerte: Los Bandidos Chicanos. Los Angeles: Aztlan, 1973.
Guillermo Flores, "The Struggle for Community Control: Some Lessons," in Action Research in Defense of the Barrio. Edited by Mario Barrera and Geralda Vialpando. Los Angeles: Aztlan, 1974.
Ernesto Galarza, "Alviso: A Town Besieged by Progress," in Action Research in Defense of the Barrio. Edited by Mario Barrera and Geralda Vialpando. Los Angeles: Aztlan, 1974.
Alberto Juarez, "The Emergence of El Partido de la Raza Unida: California's New Chicano Party." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 3,2 (Fall, 1972).
Juan Gomez-Quinones, "The First Steps: Chicano Labor Conflict and Organizing, 1900-1920." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 3,1 (Spring, 1972).
Cruz Reynoso and Michael Bennett, "California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA): Survival of a Poverty Law Practice." Chicano Law Review l (Summer, 1972).
George Rivera, "Social Change in the Barrio: The Chicano Movement in South Texas." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 3,2 (Fall).
Gerald Rosen, "The Development of the Chicano Movement in Los Angeles From 1967-1969." Aztlan, Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts 4,1 (Spring, 1973).
VI. Chicanos and the Criminal Justice System: Contemporary Perspectives
Rudolfo Acuña, Occupied America (ch. 10). San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972.
Abraham Blumberg, "Due Process and Assembly Line Justice," in The Crime Control Establishment. Edited by Isidore Silver. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1974.
Judge Gerald S. Chargin, "A Public Record," in Chicanos: Social and Psychological Perspectives. Edited by Nathaniel Wagner and Marsha Haug. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby, 1971.
Armando Morales, Ando Sangrando, I Am Bleeding. La Puente: Perspectiva, 1973.
Cruz Reynoso, "La Raza, the Law and the Law Schools." Toledo Law Review 2 and 3 (Spring and Summer, 1970).
Jack O. Waddell, "From Dissonance to Consonance and Back Again: Mexican Americans and Correctional Practices in a Southwest City," in Chicanos: Social and Psychological Perspectives. Edited by Nathaniel Wagner and Marsha Haug. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby 1971.
Mexican Americans and the Administration of Justice in the Southwest. A Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights (March, 1970).
"A Study of Grand Jury Service, California Rural Legal Assistance," in Race, Crime and Justice. Edited by Charles E. Reasons and Jack Kuykendall. Pacific Palisades: Goodyear, 1972.
VII. Other Third World Perspectives on the Criminal Justice System
Alan Almquist and Robert F. Heizer, The Other Californians (pp. 23-64, 154-194). Berkeley: U.C. Press, 1971.
Eldridge Cleaver, "LettersFrom Prison," in Soul on Ice. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968.
Lillian S. Calhoun, "The Death of Fred Hampton," in Government Lawlessness in America. Edited by Theodore Becker and Vernon Murray. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971.
Tom Hayden, "The Eighth Defendant is a Prisoner of War," in Trial. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970.
George Jackson, Blood in My Eye. New York: Bantam,
Charles Reasons, "Crime and the American Indian," in Native Americans Today. Edited by Bruce A Chadwick and Robert C. Day. New York: Harper & Row, 1972.
Chang Tsu Wu (ed.), Chink (pp. 11-103). New York: The World Publishing, 1972.
VIII. Other Perspectives on the Criminal Justice System
Laura Nader, "Perspectives on the Law and Order Problem." A paper first presented at a conference on Problems of Injustice in North American Society, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, May, 1972. To be published in a volume on injustice, edited by M.J. Lerner. Canada: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Anthony Platt, "Prospects for a Radical Criminology." Crime and Social Justice 1 (Spring-Summer, 1974).
Tony Poveda, "The Image of the Criminal: A Critique of Crime and Delinquency Theories." Issues in Criminology 5,1 (Winter, 1970).
Charles Reasons and JackKuykendall (eds.), Race, Crime and Justice (pp. 1-56). Pacific Palisades: Goodyear, 1972.
Herman and Julia Schwendinger, "Defenders of Order or Guardians of Human Rights?" Issues in Criminology 5,2 (Summer, 1970).
Paul Takagi, "A Garrison State in a 'Democratic' Society." Crime and Social Justice 1 (Spring-Summer, 1974).
Richard Quinney, Critique of Legal Order. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1973.
"They're Bringing It All Back Home: Police on the Homefront," A Collection of Essays compiled by NARMIC. Philadelphia: National Action Research on the Military Industrial Complex, 1971.
Larry Trujillo was then a graduate student in the School of Criminology, University of California, Berkeley. Velia Garcia-Hancock was a lecturer in Chicano Studies and a graduate student in the Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. She also sponsored the Vacaville Prison Project.
From Crime and Social Justice 3 (Spring-Summer 1975). Social Justice is published quarterly. Copyright © 1975 by Social Justice, ISSN 1043-1578. Social Justice, P.O. Box 40601, San Francisco, CA 94140. SocialJust@aol.com.